Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States
Andrew L. Whitehead & Samuel L. Perry
Orbis (2020). 268 pp.
In this book, Whitehead and Perry are not attempting to answer the question of whether America was a “Christian nation.” Their focus is on the ways such a belief—a Christian nationalism—influences the lives and practices of people who hold them. That is, their focus is less on the originating intention and more on the regulating perception of modern-day Christian nationalism in America. With all the attention on the origin debate, “there have been no attempts to systematically and empirically examine Christian nationalism and its influence in American social, cultural, and political life” (p. 5). While the topic has been explored by historians, theologians, and political scientists, these authors address it through the lens of the social sciences (Whitehead is an associate professor of sociology at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis, and Perry is an assistant professor of sociology and religion at the University of Oklahoma). Using large-scale data from the 2017 Baylor Religion Survey (a synthesis of data well beyond the training of this reviewer to assess), the authors offer a unique and helpful set of spectacles to see and understand the inner workings of Christian nationalism.
In the introduction, the authors define Christian nationalism as “a cultural framework—a collection of myths, traditions, symbols, narratives, and value systems—that idealizes and advocates a fusion of Christianity with American civic life” (p. 10). The authors are quick to note, however, that the “Christianity” of Christian nationalism is “of a particular sort . . . something more than religion” (p. 10). In fact, the authors make an important (and surprising) claim in this regard: religious commitment and Christian nationalism appear to foster distinct moral worldviews that differ in critical ways” (p. 13). In short, Christian nationalism is a syncretism of “Christianity” and “nationalism” that distorts or even lacks what is clearly Christian. This allows the authors to offer insights into what seems paradoxical to many: (1) why so many conservative Christians vote for and continue to support Donald Trump despite his many overt moral failings, (2) why so many Americans advocate so vehemently for xenophobic policies, such as a border wall with Mexico, (3) why so many Americans seem so unwilling to acknowledge the injustices that ethnic and racial minorities experience, and (4) why so many Americans continue to hold attitudes suggesting women are unfit for politics or that healthy families require that women stay home. The common denominator is Christian nationalism.
In chapter one, the authors offer a taxonomy of modern-day Christian nationalism. The taxonomy involves four responses to Christian nationalism and the percentage of Americans who hold such positions: ambassadors (19.8%), accommodators (32.1%), resisters (26.6%), and rejecters (21.5%). The authors offer statistical analyses of each response. Rejecters, for example, are hardly anti-religion, with one-third affiliating with the Christian tradition. Resisters share key demographics with rejecters, with the exceptions of being slightly less educated and more religiously committed. What distinguishes resisters from rejecters is that resisters may disagree that prayer should be instituted in public schools but are undecided about the display of religious symbols in public places. Accommodators mirror resisters in that they show comparable levels of indecision but lean toward accepting it. Accommodators are older than rejecters and resisters, with ambassadors being the oldest yet—and the least educated. Ambassadors believe the United States “has a special relationship with God, and thus, the federal government should formally declare the United States a Christian nation and advocate for Christian values” (p. 36). Interestingly, the evidence points to a slow and stable decline in support for Christian nationalism.
In chapters two through four, the authors explain the virtues—or vices—of Christian nationalism: power, boundaries, and order. In short, these are the symptoms of Christian nationalism. A couple key aspects are worthy of note. First, the authors make a significant claim: “evangelicalism is not synonymous with Christian nationalism” (p. 58). In fact, in many ways Christian nationalism is often diametrically opposed to biblical Christianity and its ethics. Second, the authors argue that Christian nationalism is in reality “Christianity co-opted in the service of ethno-national power and separation” (p. 145). It is “political at its core” (p. 148).
In the conclusion, the authors address the significance of their findings and its implications for bringing more precision to our public discourse on religion and politics. One example is the obsession in recent years by journalists and political commentators over why “white evangelicals” voted for Trump. The authors offer this explanation: “In reality . . . it is not just being evangelical or even being a white evangelical that truly matters. Rather, it is the degree to which Americans [perceive] current political conflicts through the lens of Christian nationalism” (p. 153). As the authors explain, Christian nationalism “co-opts Christian language and iconography in order to cloak particular political or social ends in moral and religious symbolism” (p. 153). In this way, political wants and desires are made transcendent—something the Bible would call idolatry!
In Taking America Back for God, Whitehead and Perry offer a helpful diagnostic of the engine of American nationalism, revealing both the fuel and force of the movement in, but also clearly beyond, the church. One of the most helpful insights was the distinction between evangelicalism—and a robustly biblical Christianity and ethic—and Christian nationalism. While many evangelicals hold to some form of Christian nationalism, it is clearly not innate to evangelicalism. In many ways it is diametrically opposed to it. Although this reviewer was not convinced all the diagnostic results could be determined from the data, the general analysis is both informational and practical.
A few years ago, I removed the American flag from our church’s sanctuary, with the approval of the pastor-elders. We still had a flag in the front of our building; we simply removed the one flag in the sanctuary where we gather for corporate worship. This had nothing to do with my appreciation for or celebration of our country; I am a grateful and committed citizen of the United States. The reasons were both biblical and pastoral: (1) our church is an embassy of the Kingdom, not a service of the state, and (2) our congregation needed to “keep their allegiance pure” and “nurture commitment” to their international and eschatological identity and purpose. They needed one hour each week where they thought of the Kingdom and not this kingdom. We had already stopped celebrating America on the Sunday near the Fourth of July and had slowly removed all the civil/secular “holy days” (holidays) that church’s commonly practice, so I thought the flag would not be missed. I was wrong. Not only did several people complain, thinking our devotion was to “God and country,” but one family resigned their membership and left our church! Taking America Back for God helps diagnose this impulse within my congregation. And it encourages me as a pastor to address this issue in two ways.
First, every local church needs to understand that the Bible does teach about a Christian nation—namely, “the Church.” As the apostle Peter clearly teaches us, the church is “a holy nation” (1 Pet 2:9). Since this designation belongs to the gathering of the King and his Kingdom, no other king or country can make such a claim, and no Christian should believe or act otherwise.
Second, in a political moment when Americans, and especially evangelical Christians, are exhorted to “Make America Great Again,” Christians and the church need to be exhorted quite differently: “Make the Kingdom Great Again.” The church needs to be reminded in word and deed that our primary allegiance is to King and Kingdom (see Psalm 2!). For too long the church and Christianity have been co-opted by national and political forces that seek power and persuasion in ways that are at best misguided and at worst idolatrous. Sadly, churches like mine may need to “take back for God” the church and political allegiance, not only in election seasons but even on Sunday mornings.
This resource is part of the series Kingdom Politics. Click Here to explore more resources from this series.
Mickey Klink is the Senior Pastor of Hope Evangelical Free Church in Roscoe, IL. He previously served for nearly a decade of teaching at Talbot School of Theology, Biola University in southern California. He is the author of several books on a range of topics including biblical theology, the Gospel of John, and the church. He holds a PhD in New Testament from the University of St. Andrews and is a member of the St. John Fellowship of the Center for Pastor Theologians.
